When analysing Nepal's history from historical materialistic perspective,
it can be easily inferred that the Nepalese people have been struggling against
the complexities of natural forces and various man-made problems for their
own survival & development. Modern Nepal was evolved through the struggle
between and intermingling of, on the one hand; simple, innocent people struggling
to live peacefully in steep slopes with their natural economic system and
tribal culture, and at the other, the Hindus who had periodically intruded
into this country from the south specially about 1000 years back with their
superior technology of production and art of war after they were defeated
by Muslims. In this historical process the rise of princes & chieftains
and the struggle that kept pursuing between them has forced the people to
be trained in violent struggle, which has been proved by the history. The
Nepalese people who had acquired military & fighting prowess in the course
of their historical development were able to fight bravely against the Britishers
in the south & the Chinese in the north who were well equipped with modern
knowledge, technique & weapons, during the later period. In the battles
fought for their own sovereignty the children, old men, women, youths have
demonstrated unprecedented sacrifices, bravery & cleverness on the basis
of arms & equipments made in their own country. This had frightened &
terrorised even large imperialist armies and their commanders and established
the Nepalese (Gorkhali) people as one of the greatest fighters of the world.
Even today any independent Nepalese would feel proud when they remember the
fighting prowess, bravery and sacrifice of the Nepalese people in the past
history. It is a matter of no lesser pride that even Karl Marx, the proponent
of communist ideology & the leader of the world proletariat, too, had
appreciated the sacrifice, bravery and skill shown by the Nepalese people
in those wars.
However from the point of view of the leadership, even yesterday & today
the foreign imperialism and its running dog, the domestic reactionary ruling
class, have conspiratorially turned the brave Nepalese into mercenary soldiers.
For us it is necessary to pass this historical legacy to the people through
the struggle and encourage them to take their fate in their own hands.
Here, even after the development of the centralised Nepalese state, the Nepalese
people have been fighting & opposing in their own way against the atrocities
let loose by the ruling classes, specially the Ranas and the Shahas. Notable
among these are many clashes within the different ruling classes and the
rebellion of Lakhan Thapa against the Ranas. Under the background of the
growing people's consciousness & rebellion worldwide around the period
of second world war, the Nepalese people too began to fight violently against
the oppression perpetuated by the ruling classes. In this process, the Communist
Party took birth in Nepal and Nepal entered into a stage of New Democratic
revolution against feudalism & imperialism. The people from different
parts of the country rose to fight with arms against the Indian expansionist
ruling classes, their stooge the Nepal Congress, and the feudal king, who
had conspired to crush the people's movement through the Delhi accord. In
this connection the armed rebellion that took place in Bhairahawa area is
notable. Even after that the people continued to be involved in small or
big struggles breaking the reactionary law & administration. Armed conflicts
against the local feudal tyrants in different places started taking place.
Among this kind of armed rebellion against feudalism & expansionism,
armed rebellion that took place under the leadership of Bhim Datta Pant in
Western part of Nepal is historically important. In the year 1952-53 itself
the way Bhim Datta Pant made hundreds of armed squads, the way he was able
to annihilate corrupt government officials, the way he was able to capture
grains from the government granaries & other essentials and distribute
amongst the poor and famine-striken peasants, the way he was able to attack
the feudal tyrants one after the other, it was of no less importance. The
very tact that it was beyond the capacity of Nepalese government to quell
this rebellion itself proves clearly how popular & powerful it was. Thousands
of Indian troops were called inside to quell this rebellion and the leader
was killed in a most gruesome & inhuman manner. It was from that period
onwards itself the present ruling class had shown its anti-national,
capitulationist and fascist nature.
During this period peasants in league with the Communist Party start fighting
against feudal exploitations in different districts of the country. Amongst
them the peasant rebellion developed in Bara, Parsa and specially in Rautahat
has special importance. Thousands of peasants defied the law and administration
to destroy the bond papers of local feudal tyrants, to break their granaries,
to start cultural movement to snub the pride of the feudals, thus spearheading
the violent struggles. The peasants nearly captured local political power,
leading to the panic flights by feudal landlords. However, it is a matter
of sad concern that the then leadership of the Communist Party instead of
analysing the peasant class war & armed rebellion that were taking place
in different parts of Nepal and without exploring the potentiality of waging
a guerrilla war, condemned them as extremism, and went to surrender before
the king. It tried to limit itself into legal, peaceful struggle and to work
within the parliamentary system. This was a historical betrayal in the direction
of revisionism that would have a long - term impact in the Nepalese communist
movement.
Even after that the people's rebellion went ahead. Peasant's rebellions of
different kinds continued. In this period, peasant's long struggle against
the feudals in Khaniyavas of Dhading and that of Dang are worth mentioning,
illegal struggles of small & big nature continued against signing of
Gandak treaty by the so called elected Nepali Congress government in the
year 1959 and against the bootlickers of Indian expansionists. Incidences
of violent struggles in different places against the Royal coup of 1960 and
against the partyless Panchayat system were also seen. In this period leftist
youths and students movement continued despite imprisonment, repression and
terror unleashed on them.
The armed struggle of 1972-73 in Jhapa in line with the protracted people's
war waged in rebellion against right revisionism prevalent in the Communist
movement is the most note-worthy struggle. That rebellion certainly represents
the revolutionary trend and the spirit. Those who have been martyred in the
process of consciously establishing New Democratic republic are immortal
martyrs. Although there were deep shortcomings in the leadership in terms
of petty-bourgeois mechanistic and 'leftist' adventurist tendencies, it was
however an important far-reaching rebellion against the autocratic feudal
rule of the king and against the rightist reformist tendencies that had
entrenched deeply into the Nepalese Communist Movement. In the armed struggle
to pursue New Democratic revolution, the martyrs of Jhapa rebellion will
remain in the forefront.
Around this time, the intense struggles pursued against the feudals and
exploiters in the Eastern Terai consisting of Sarlahi, Mahottari, Siraha,
Dhanusha and Sindhuli have established a new record in the history of peasant
movement. In this process, too, hundreds of thousands of farmers under the
leadership of the Party were involved in the class struggle resulting into
a kind of power vacuum in the villages. It can be clearly seen that there
was a possibility of initiating the process of guerrilla war from the foundation
of peasant's struggle of that period. However, because of reformist line
and the petty bourgeois pretensions of the party, the peasants became helpless
under the onslaught of reactionary military operation. During that time many
brave sons of Nepalese revolutionary movement got martyred.
Amidst this, in Chitawan, the peasants struggle including the Jugedi struggle
took place. Even in that rebellion many peasant youths got martyred. The
historic student's movement of 1979 took the form of people's movement throughout
the country. In this process development of countrywide violent peasant struggle
took place. This brought the waves of big peasant struggle in the Eastern
Terai districts mentioned above and others including Chitawan, Dang and Bardiya.
Different sections of people including peasants got involved in the countrywide
struggle against the Panchayat and the monarchy by defying the reactionary
law & administration. The king was forced to concede an alternative choice
against the so-called choiceless Panchayat because of the strength of violent
struggle of people's power. Although behind it there was an inherent conspiracy
plotted by the king & the monarchical forces. Even after that the trend
of people's struggle forged ahead by becoming stronger day after day for
the sake of nationalism, democracy and the livelihood of the people.
The historical people's movement of 1990 became the central expression of
all these movements. Here along with the countless violent conflicts in all
over Nepal including the capital city, the movement began to forge ahead
to end the monarchial system. In this historical struggle, hundreds of brave
sons & daughters of Nepal had to lose their lives. However the domestic
and foreign reactionaries including the rightist reformists in order to get
limited reforms went ahead to compromise with the king against the (high)
level & the spirit of the movement and succeeded in their conspiracy
to derail the movement. It is clear that the end of the partyless Panchayat
and the establishment of multiparty system under the leadership of the king
is also the result of people's violent struggle.
Even after the establishment of multiparty system, lakhs of people are still
in the process of struggle for the nationality, democracy and the livelihood
of the people. In this period we have also clearly seen in the course of
the general legal movements under our leadership that people are willing
to extend them full help and support with great enthusiasm when there are
direct attacks against the reactionary state and there are violent clashes.
Within a short period of the establishment of multiparty system hundreds
of Nepalese have lost their lives for the sake of liberation & their
rights, in which an important leader of our Party from Dhanusha and other
cadres throughout the country also fall in.
The conscious peasant class struggle developed in the western hilly districts,
particularly in Rolpa & Rukum, represents the high level of anti feudal
& anti-imperialist revolutionary struggle. Despite severe reactionary
repression and terror the movement not only remains sustained, but also it
is going ahead as a resistance movement with the qualitative leap. That struggle
has given birth to some new substances in the Nepalese Communist movement
which have inspired us to be more serious about the business of armed struggle.
From the above historical review it can be concluded that:
1. The reactionary propaganda that the Nepalese people are peace-loving and
that they don't like violence is absolutely false. It is an incontrovertible
fact that-the Nepalese people have been waging violent struggle for their
rights since the historical times.
2. Till today whatever general reforms have been achieved by the Nepalese
people, behind them there was the force of violent and illegal struggle of
the people.
3. The Nepalese people are very conscious & sensitive about the question
of nationalism and that they feel proud to lay down their lives while fighting
rather than submit to the pressures of the foreigners.
4. From the year 1951 onwards till today, mainly the Nepalese peasants and
other sections of the people have been joining in countess number of violent
& armed conflicts against the reactionary state and the anti-establishment
feeling among Nepalese people has been very strong.
5. The Nepalese people are the great warriors in the world who are known
for their ability to bear the severe material and bodily hardships while
fighting.
6. The domestic & foreign reactionaries including the revisionist elements
have been time & again ditching & conspiring against the fighting
tendency of the Nepalese people. Today the greatest responsibility has fallen
upon the revolutionaries to initiate armed struggle methodically and consciously
against feudalism & imperialism and to complete the New Democratic revolution
by representing that great historical legacy
In the development of class struggle in the Nepalese society the establishment
of the Communist Party in the year 1949 represents an important historic
achievement for the proletarian class of Nepal. Even though the Party was
not able to grasp the essence & importance of armed struggle, it was
able to take clear political stand to fight for New Democratic revolution
against feudalism & imperialism. Thus with all the qualities of Its childhood
(immaturity), It waged propaganda & agitation from the Communist point
of view on the question of nationality, democracy and people's livelihood
and it attempted to arouse the masses mainly in the rural areas against
feudalism. Because of this process, within a short period people from different
parts of country got attracted towards Communist politics, and peasant's
struggle started spreading in different places. Amongst them the peasant's
movement in Terai has special importance. Because of the development of peasant's
struggle the question of correct political line in concrete terms arose in
the Party. But the then Party leadership not only completely failed to lead
the struggle in a revolutionary direction but also in the year 1955 it decided
to limit itself to peaceful propaganda activities for socialism under the
feudal monarchy. From this point onwards the Nepalese Communist movement
got openly dominated by right revisionist line. After this for a long run
the Party is found to be completely submerged into peaceful, parliamentary
& reformist activities.
Even when in the year 1960 the king imposed autocratic rule in the country
by banning all the political parties, the leadership of the Party which had
been submerged into reformism limited itself to various types of parliamentary
slogans resembling those of other reactionary parties instead of advancing
revolutionary political slogans and forms of struggle. At this very juncture
the great debate between China and Russia and the development of the Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution under the leadership of Com. Mao initiated
a debate in its own way about the necessity of armed struggle and the importance
of fighting against revisionism. One section of the Party nakedly followed
Russian revisionism and it began to get exposed thoroughly amongst the people.
The larger part of the old generation of Party leadership supported Com.
Mao & China and the path of New Democratic Revolution against the Russian
revisionism. Pushpa Lal in his document tin the Gorakhpur Conference even
wrote, "It is impossible to establish this kind of system without waging
protracted armed revolution." (Moolbato, P. 66)
However, even then, the leadership of the old generation of that period were
not able to evolve even from tactical point of view concrete political line
of revolution and failed completely to determine revolutionary forms of struggle
to achieve them. In this regard the leadership of the Fourth Congress
demonstrated extreme haziness about the basic path of the revolution by bringing
in even more illusive and clearly reformist political slogan and by talking
of "armed peasant rebellion." In essence in terms of political line, this
section talked of some revolution, however in practice it assumed a reformist
character and moved along pseudo-reformist direction.
In this regard after the Naxalbari armed peasant struggle began under the
leadership of Com. Charu Majumdar in India after rebelling against the reformist
CPI-M, it's clear influence was seen among the revolutionary youths of Jhapa
In the eastern part of Nepal. Similarly even here some enthusiastic and
revolutionary youths of the Eastern region went ahead with armed actions
declaring armed struggle under the protracted people's war strategy by rebelling
against revisionism that had taken deep root in the Party. Despite serious
shortcomings due to petty-bourgeois mechanistic thought and left adventurism
- the armed action was an historic rebellion which created flutter amongst
the revisionists in the Nepalese Communist movements and the feudal state
structure of the king. At least the question of armed struggle became a topic
of great debate in the Communist movement. The Jhapa Party struggle played
an important role in intensifying inner struggle between the revolutionaries
and the newly emerging opportunists within the pseudo-reformist groups following
a reformist line. The debate on whether to accept the line of armed struggle
or not started taking place in their own ways within the Forth Congress,
Pushpa Lal, Manmohan, Rohit and rest of the groups.
Most of the reformist leaders of these groups provided illusions to a large
section of the revolutionary left forces by accepting the necessity armed
struggle in abstract terms and for future but they kept on mounting antagonistic
attack against the present spark of revolution kindled by the armed actions.
In this question, the Forth Congress group headed by Mohan Bikram was in
the forefront to attack it viciously. The revisionist essence of Mohan Bikram,
known for mounting destructive attack on the leftist revolutionaries the
Jhapa struggle and giving preference to make Man Mohan Adhikari, the pro-king
renegade, as the chairman of the Central Nucleus, is unchanged and well reflected
even today in his analysis of UML as a friendly force even when it has
degenerated into reaction and in his antagonism in practice towards our Party.
Because of intense repression by the reactionary forces, vicious attack by
the known pseudo-reformists and mainly due to the leadership petty-bourgeois,
mechanistic and 'left' adventurist thoughts the Jhapa rebellion could not
develop into a people's war. As a result of the infiltration of incompatible
forces from different groups, together with the slow degeneration of the
leadership of the Jhapa rebellion into right revisionism, today they have
even gone to the extent of sitting in the reactionary ministry of the king.
However, the process of building a revolutionary trend by rectifying past
mistakes is still on. Some leaders of that period are even today raising
the banner of rebellion against reformism & reaction despite long jail
terms, torture & enticement.
Because of contemporary national & international situation and the influence
of Jhapa struggle, the debate & inter-struggle within the Fourth Congress
increased in regards to the question of political slogan and the line of
armed struggle. Despite theoretical & political unclarity relating to
armed struggle, immortal martyr Com. Azad also played a role in this debate.
Ultimately, after a long and complex struggle the genuine revolutionary forces
within the Party managed to save it from the representatives of pseudo-reformism,
Mohan Bikram & Nirmal Lama by advancing revolutionary slogan for political
power & the inevitability of protracted people's war for achieving it.
Today it has became successful in forging revolutionary alternative in the
country by assimilating all the past revolutionary activities (including
the Jhapa struggle) of the Nepalese Communist movement. The Unity Congress
of the Party has developed a clear outlook on this issue. In this hour of
history we must admit in unequivocal terms that we have yet to materialise
in practice what we have correctly formulated in theory regarding the general
political slogan and the path to be followed. The reason behind this is,
besides the complexities of the situation & the inter-struggle, the Party
is yet to be cured of the petty- bourgeois disease of revolution in words
but opportunism in practice. It is necessary to make a concrete plan of going
ahead with the task of armed struggle by doing this kind of self-criticism.
According to the theoretical directives of M-L-M and the general specificities
of the Nepalese society our Party has formulated a political strategy of
completing New Democratic revolution with a people's democratic dictatorship
under the leadership of proletariat based on the unity of workers & peasants
against feudalism & imperialism. The long term aim of the Party is to
move towards socialist revolution after the successful completion of New
Democratic revolution as an integral part of the world proletarian socialist
revolution and to achieve communism by waging cultural revolutions based
upon the theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of
proletariat. It is clear that the nature & orientation of the Nepalese
armed struggle will be directed by and committed to the aim of this political
strategy. Accordingly the nature & orientation of the Nepalese armed
struggle has been clearly specified by the National Unity Congress of the
Party as, "The line of protracted people's war based upon the strategy of
surrounding the city from the countryside".
The aim of the armed struggle is to solve the basic contradictions between
feudalism and the Nepalese people, imperialism - mainly the Indian expansionism
- and the Nepalese people, comprador & bureaucratic capitalism &
the Nepalese people, and in the immediate term the contradiction between
domestic reaction which is made up of a combination of feudal and comprador
& bureaucratic capitalist classes & backed by Indian expansionism
and the Nepalese people. This way it is clear, the target of armed struggle
will be confiscating the lands of feudals and landlords & distributing
them amongst the landless & poor peasants on the basis of land-to-the-tiller
theory and to attack them for the purpose, and in order to cut the roots
of imperialist exploitation the projects such as industries, banks etc. in
the hands of comprador and bureaucratic capitalists and projects run by
government & non-government organisations and to attack them for the
same.
This way it is clear that the target of armed struggle will be against feudals,
landlords, comprador & bureaucratic capitalists.
(A) The Proletariat: It is the fundamental motivating force of New Democratic
revolution. Although the numerical strength of proletarian workers in modern
industries & factories of Nepal is small, it is, however, increasing.
Even though the number is small this class, which is completely alienated
from the modern production processes & productive forces, is the most
revolutionary class of the society. For the success of New Democratic revolution,
this class has the historical responsibility of identifying and giving leadership
to other allied classes.
(B) The farm workers, bonded labourers, landless peasants, porters, and poor
peasants, and in our case in the cities the cart pullers, rickshaw pullers,
drivers of tempos, taxis, and transport & hotel workers, etc., are the
most reliable, consisting a big section of the population, and the main
motivating force for the Nepalese New Democratic revolution. (Here by, 'poor
peasants' is generally meant those peasants who can't make livelihood with
their land alone).
(C) Middle peasants: Those who live with difficulty even after working hard
on their land throughout the year and who also take some land on contract
or on share-cropping basis. In the hilly regions of Nepal these peasants
outnumber other classes. For the New Democratic Revolution this class is
an important motivating force.
(D) Rich peasants: Those who can have good livelihood through their land;
they are able to employ one or two labourers in their work despite their
own participation in their farm work and are able to accumulate part of their
income through exploitation. This class is a vacillating ally for the New
Democratic revolution.
(E) Petty - bourgeois Class: In this class are included the teachers of schools
& colleges, students, doctors, engineers, lawyers, junior office workers,
petty traders of towns, retail traders, craftsmen, etc. Because of the nature
and conditions of its production process this class remains vacillating.
Despite this class can play an important auxiliary role for the New Democratic
revolution. Today the imperialists and the reactionary forces are focusing
their attention to keep the intellectuals of this class away from the revolution.
(F) National bourgeoisie: In Nepal although it (i.e. the national bourgeoisie)
doesn't have independent role it is slowly taking form. These kind of capitalists
who are involved in small handicraft and modern industries and trade are
at one end dreaming of amassing the wealth by exploiting the workers, and
at the other end they are being run over by the monopolist comprador and
bureaucratic capitalists. Hence they naturally show contradictory character
towards the revolution. Used to changing its character according to the
situation, this class will remain a vacillating ally of the revolution.
It is obvious that the Nepalese armed struggle should formulate its strategy
and factors by taking into consideration the above general condition and
character of the enemy and the motivating forces of the New Democratic
revolution.
In the present era of imperialism & proletarian revolution, the enemy
class is practicing various forms of conspiratorial strategies to stop revolution
in countries like ours. Amongst them we must focus our attention on the following
because we can't arrive at a correct strategy without understanding the strategy
of the enemy.
1. Because of its monopolistic hold over the communication over the whole
world at this time, the enemy is launching a disinformation campaign with
deliberate propaganda of 'terrorism', 'fall of socialism' and the superiority
and success of capitalism and attempting to lower the morale of people through
the strategy of psychological warfare.
2. It is unleashing vicious cultural war through the flooding of vulgar culture
and literature in order to distort the minds & souls of the people.
3. All the imperialist forces and the reactionary ruling classes of each
country are campaigning strategically by spreading the network of well trained
and technically equipped spies and attempting to infiltrate into the
revolutionary party in order to collect information, to create illusions
inside the party, to do destructive activities and to arrest or kill the
genuine revolutionary leaders or activists of the Party.
4. They are inventing new forms of reforms & democracy in order to confuse
the people politically.
5. Under the strategy of preventing revolution in a country like ours the
network of NGOs and INGOs have been spread in order to engage some educated
middle class people, to prevent them from falling below the middle class
and to entrap the people in the petty reformist mirage.
6. They are encouraging unemployed youths to get scattered all over the world
and to wander in India in the name of employment. The youths are being used
as mercenary soldiers in foreign armies.
7. The imperialists are polluting the minds of the people through propagation
of religion and other means after entering into rural areas with attractive
slogans.
8. If despite all these and other Innumerable traps the revolutionary movement
rises up then they start a campaign of heinous genocide through their powerful
permanent army. In short In the present era, the strategy of the enemy of
the people is that of a total war.
In such a situation the strategy of a revolutionary party that wants to go
ahead with armed struggle to make a revolution should also be clearly based
on total war. It is necessary for us to adopt the strategy & tactics
of tit for tat against the imperialist & reactionary forces by uniting
with the people in all spheres of national & international life. The
ideological weapon of M-L-M which has been proved successful to destroy the
enemy is an invincible weapon of the proletarian class. In this light it
is necessary to determine the strategy & tactics of Nepalese armed struggle
by focusing on the overall state of the enemies together with the basic
specificities of Nepal and the Nepalese society.
1. Nepal is a landlocked country which is surrounded from three side by the
expansionist India and in the north surrounded by the reformist China. Although
it is small in terms of area, however except for 17% of the Terai plain lands,
the rest of the country is geographically replete with remote hills and Himalayan
mountains with different climate, ethnic groups, cultures & languages.
2. In Nepal for a long period, a centralised reactionary state equipped with
a modern and powerful permanent army and a bureaucracy has been in existence.
This is specially centralised in the cities. The enemies of Nepalese people
are not only within the country but also present outside of it in the form
of imperialists, specially Indian expansionists.
3. The economic & political development of Nepal have been uneven. Nepal
is predominantly rural and the exploited peasants who represent 90% of total
people are spread in these villages. The process of urbanisation is on the
rise, however, me must say it is still small.
4. The Nepalese peasants and other sections of the masses have passed through
a process of different forms of struggle both local and countrywide for a
long time. There is a widespread attraction towards communists among the
people. However, here the influence of reformism and right revisionism is
also strong. In Nepal there has been virtually no direct experience of armed
struggle under the leadership of Communist Party.
5. The reactionary ruling class of the semi-feudal & semi-colonial Nepal,
where the medieval monarchy system exists, is undergoing intense crisis and
this crisis has started manifestating politically as well in a serious manner.
6. A big section of the Nepalese people are spread in different countries
for employment, mainly in India for army and other kinds of works.
It is through above specificities that the orientation and politics and tactics
of the Nepalese armed struggle can be discerned. From the first specificity
it can be seen that for waging war in Nepal it has neither large area, nor
any possibility of using any sea; neither there is wide forest - nor there
is any possibility of direct help or support from any other neighbouring
country. However, geographical situation is most favourable for waging guerrilla
war with direct link with the people.
And because of struggle against the national oppression on the majority of
nationalities this will also provide good mass base for guerrilla war. The
second specificity shows that there is no situation of direct military clash
between the enemy forces for political power, so that the armed forces of
the people could take advantage of to seize a definite area. This clearly
proves that the Nepalese armed struggle cannot take the form of direct or
positional warfare against the enemy at the beginning. It is necessary to
expand the people's armed strength by attacking enemy's weak spots in piecemeal
and by weakening it through attacks in guerrilla style in favourable areas
for the people. When the first & the second specificities are viewed
together it is found possible to establish and survive independently in certain
specific area just as in China's Ching - Kang Shan and to be able to expand
from these onwards. The third specificity shows the possibility of starting
guerrilla wars in different parts of the country and developing them by taking
peasant, revolution as the backbone by centralizing in the rural areas and
by relying on and by uniting with the peasants. The fourth specificity clearly
shows that people's support will go on increasing if the right revisionists
are thoroughly exposed and the tactics of armed struggle is pursued vigilantly.
The fifth specificity indicates that the pace of development of armed struggle
to establish people's alternative revolutionary power would be faster and
inspires to undertake bold tactics to achieve It. And the sixth specificity
demonstrates the necessity of mobilising the Nepalese people working in foreign
countries - mainly those Nepalese working In India - by conducting political
work amongst them and using the area for supplying of various necessities
for the success of armed struggle in Nepal.
The synthesis of all the specificities shows clearly that it is impossible
for the armed struggle in Nepal to make a quick leap into an insurrection
and defeat the enemy. However, it is fully possible to finally crush the
enemy through systematic development of the Nepalese armed struggle. It can
be derived clearly from this that the Nepalese armed struggle must necessarily
adopt a protracted people's war strategy of surrounding the city from the
countryside. It is also clear that that path can be treaded only after paying
attention to our own specificities of the country.
The fundamental principles of this path are: to grasp firmly the fact that
the people's war is the war of the masses, that if can be developed only
by relying on the masses and principally on the peasants and that the masses
are the creators of history; to acknowledge the need and importance of the
stages of strategic defence, stalemate and offense of the people's war and
to make plans accordingly by accepting the strategic role of guerrilla war
as it is the principal form of war in the initial stage of strategic defense;
to grasp the importance of developing guerrilla warfare into positional warfare
and of establishing base areas to capture central power; and above all, in
the ideological directives of M-L-M to establish leadership of the party
over the army and not to permit at any cost to arise a situation where the
gun would control the party. It is by practicing the main strategic principles
of protracted people's war and by refraining from committing mistakes that
one can unfold the laws of Nepalese people's war. It is important to note
the truth that the laws of war can only be learnt by participating in war.
The overall strategic and tactical aim of war is to preserve one's force
and to destroy enemy's force. That is why it is important to be clear right
in the beginning about the policies needed to develop Nepalese people's war
by understanding the overall national & International situation and
specificities mentioned above.
In our situation - give priority to the rural work, but do not leave urban
work; give priority to illegal struggle, but do not leave legal struggle
too; give priority to specific strategic areas, but do not leave work related
to mass movement too; give priority to class struggle in villages, but do
not leave countrywide struggle too; give priority to guerrilla actions, but
do not leave political exposure & propaganda too; give priority to propaganda
work within the country but do not leave worldwide propaganda too; give priority
to build army organisation, but do not leave to build front organisations
too; give priority to rely on one's own organisation and force, but do not
miss to forge unity in action, to take support & help from international
arena; it is only by applying these policies carefully that the armed struggle
can be initiated, presented and developed. Neither by being one-sided, nor
by giving equal emphasis on all work can in the present context the people's
war be initiated, preserved and developed. From this point of view the people's
war will go ahead as a total war.
The successful development of Nepalese people's war will be determined by
decentralising actions based on central policy, by launching actions at different
isolated spots of the enemy and by applying large force against small forces
in order to get quick victory, by adopting hit & run tactics, by going
ahead with guerrilla actions under the centralised plan from different parts
of the country but by giving special attention to specific strategic areas,
and as Mao has said, by organising and mobilising as many people as possible
and as fast as possible and as good as possible by placing the question of
capturing political power at the centre.
How to transform a party like ours which has been for a long period used
to the reformist & parliamentary activities despite a clear political
line, favourable material condition, appropriate and increasing mass base,
into a party for armed struggle? Is it possible to transform gradually through
study, training, reformist struggle, and small scale resistance struggle
? Or for that any leap, a rupture with the past a decisive step or any big
push is necessary ? Will our Party be able to enter into armed struggle smoothly,
without causing any damage to the fundamental class organisational structure
? After the start of the guerrilla war what will be it's consequence and
the process of it's development ? Regarding this, what do Marxist dialectlcs,
experience of International Communist Movement and our own experience show
? Without being clear about these questions we can't start guerrilla war.
Marxism is a philosophy of struggle. The law of development according to
Marxist dialectics is that each process of development in nature, society
and human thought takes place through struggle of opposites and its obvious
result will take the form of a leap. Any thought that sees any kind of
development process as an ordinary addition subtraction schema and as gradual
evolution would be exposed as bourgeois evolutionism by the Marxists. It
is clear that transformation from one process to another process does not
take place gradually, but through leap, through qualitative change, through
revolution.
In this regard Lenin says - development as the struggle of opposites; there
are basically two outlooks regarding development - the development in the
form of increase & decrease and the development as unity of opposites.
Mao has given the name of vulgar evolutionism to the thought which looks
at development as increase & decrease or as repetition, and said instead
that the inevitable result of unity and struggle of opposites is a qualitative
change - or the leap. This he formulated as unity - struggle - transformation.
As regards to the theory of knowledge, Mao developed the theory of two leaps,
i.e. from perceptive knowledge to rational knowledge, and from rational knowledge
to revolutionary practice. Among these Mao has termed the phenomenon of leap
from rational knowledge to revolutionary practice as 'extremely important'.
On this Mao says:
'Only this leap - the first leap of acquiring knowledge, or the thoughts,
theories, policies, plans, plans and means crystalised as reflection of objective
external world, verifies the right from the wrong. Not only this - the only
intention of the proletariat to know the world is to change it.'
Thus Mao has emphasised on the need and importance of leap in the process
of transformation of thought into practice.
Leap, qualitative change and revolution is not gradual evolution but a state
of rupture, or a state of transformation of the opposites into each other.
As Mao, while talking of revolution as not being polite, restrained etc.,
had mentioned about the qualitative change, its process etc.
From this it is clear that the essence of Marxist dialectics on this issue
is, to transform thought into practice the conscious side has to make a plan
of not the gradual evolution but that of a leap. After having formed an opinion
about the character of the Nepalese revolution, ways of achieving it on the
basis of understanding the material condition of development of class struggle
in the Nepalese society and the international situation, it would not be
revolutionary Marxism and will be mere vulgar evolutionism or petty bourgeois
reformism if we continue to repeat in practice the ways of gradual evolution
or of reform. It is impossible to transform from one process to another in
a gradual manner for that it is necessary to have a qualitative leap. Hence
it is only through the process of push, leap and qualitative change that
our Party, which has not taken to armed struggle even after developing a
thought about it, will be transformed into a Party capable of leading armed
struggle. This matches with the past and the present experiences of the
International Communist Movement.
Besides this we must also be clear that this leap will bring a big change
in the structure of a party like ours which has a predominance of representatives
of petty bourgeois class and which has been used to reformist work style.
That is also not going to be smooth and easy; there will be a big change
in the overall class structure of the Party because of the process of coming
& going of it's members. This process will unfold amidst big losses and
achievements. In this process, many mistakes, weaknesses, inadequacies of
the Party will have to be paid for by blood.
After the guerrilla war has started, it will go ahead with the process of
rise & fall, victory & defeat as according to the law of war. But
it is important to pay attention to the fact that once one has raised the
banner of rebellion one should be determined not to lower it till the end,
and if done without such a determination it will mean sinning against the
people and it will be against the theory of MLM.
After having a Communist Party with an ideological weapon, political line and means of achieving it, the remaining problem is actually the problem of starting people's war. Lacking clarity on this question, it is not possible to get liberated from reformism. It has been verified by history that the people will judge positively all the historical deeds done for the sake of the people and when done with a profound belief in the principle of "masses are the creators of history."